Daniel Finn is the features editor at Jacobin. He is the author of One Man’s Terrorist: A Political History of the IRA.
Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party ends this weekend. We need to defend his legacy and carry on his noble democratic-socialist program, while being honest about where and why he fell short.
If socialists want to take power through the ballot box, we have to be ready for when capitalists stop playing by the rules.
Last Saturday, Ireland bucked the European trend as its voters turned sharply left. Sinn Féin was the main beneficiary, but the party has some big choices to make in the months ahead if it’s going to capitalize on this breakthrough.
Gerry Adams has called time on a political career that began in the age of Richard Nixon and Leonid Brezhnev, as his party stands on the brink of a historic breakthrough. The arguments about his place in Irish history are just beginning.
For the last three years, second-referendum campaigners heaped blame on Jeremy Corbyn for his alleged role in “facilitating” Brexit. Yet their determined efforts to torpedo his leadership destroyed any chance of a compromise solution — and made the hardest of hard Brexits inevitable.
In Britain, the choice is clear: the Tories are led by people who have done grave material harm to ethnic minorities. Labour is led by people with a record of determined opposition to racism.
The Lib Dems want the UK election to be solely about Brexit, because they don’t want you to remember that their record in government was one of deadly austerity and heightened inequality.
Just like Nigel Farage and the Brexit Party, Jo Swinson and the Lib Dems don’t want to solve the Brexit crisis. They want an endless cycle of grievance and polarization to try to stay relevant.
Since 2016, Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party has consistently defended workers’ interests amid Brexit chaos. All the while, the Lib Dems have just blamed them and exploited the crisis for political gain.
Ecuador’s Lenín Moreno promised a less “divisive” approach than his left-wing predecessor Rafael Correa. But Ecuadorians are seeing through his con and resisting austerity and neoliberal reforms.
Britain’s liberal establishment have long damned Jeremy Corbyn for failing to fight hard enough against Brexit. Their hatred for the Labour leader knows no bounds — and they’ll block him becoming prime minister even if it makes Britain crashing out of Europe inevitable.
The border controversy is just the latest episode in the epic of Britain’s political establishment and their willful ignorance of Ireland.
Boris Johnson has maintained a solid lead in the polls throughout his troubles over Brexit. But recent history and Jeremy Corbyn’s radical program show that Labour has nothing to fear from a snap general election.
Fifty years ago, British troops were deployed on Northern Irish streets in the name of keeping the peace. But their actions simply worsened the crisis — fueling a conflict that still casts a shadow today.
Labour’s left-wing leadership has mounted unprecedented efforts to expel antisemites from party ranks. Yet for some of Jeremy Corbyn’s critics, such moves will never be enough — their reasons for hating him have nothing to do with antisemitism at all.
Centrists insist that Labour’s electoral fortunes depend on it taking a hard stance against Brexit. But their own behavior tells us their top priority is to stop Corbyn from becoming prime minister.
The crisis surrounding Britain’s break with the EU has revitalized support for Irish unity. Yet with Brexit still hanging in the balance, Sinn Féin’s path to its historic goal is anything but clear.
The attacks on Ilhan Omar mirror the bid to paint Jeremy Corbyn as an enemy of Jews. The Labour Party’s recent history tells US socialists how we can resist such smears — while also fighting antisemitism.
Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party have been subjected to an outrageous campaign of scurrilous smears.
For weeks, Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party has been the target of a defamatory campaign meant to undermine it.